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Whether or not such resentment ran deep, Public Health Service trainees became known as “Yellow Berets.” It is unclear where this epithet originated, but supporters of the war in Vietnam applied it generally to anyone they felt was shirking a patriotic duty.
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Read More »During the Vietnam War, there was a compulsory draft of American physicians. One of the few alternatives to service in Vietnam was a position in the Public Health Service. The limited number of such appointments made them highly competitive—especially for doctors who wanted to join the clinical associate program at the National Institutes of Health in Bethesda, Maryland. Successful candidates, sometimes derogatorily described as “Yellow Berets,” trained there under leading laboratory scientists and provided care to patients at the campus research hospital. Among the roughly 200 trainees who entered the clinical associate program in 1968, four physicians with little or no prior research experience—Joseph Goldstein, Michael Brown, Harold Varmus, and Robert Lefkowitz—went on to distinguished careers crowned by Nobel Prizes, the highest honor in science. Medal Winners: How the Vietnam War Launched Nobel Careers explores the NIH clinical associates program and its impact on science and medicine through the work of these four brilliant investigators and their NIH mentors. The connection between the Vietnam War and the rise of the NIH associate program was undeniable. Clearly, many of the trainees were motivated to apply because of the “doctor draft.” If they had reservations about serving in the war effort, they were hardly alone, as many others managed to find alternative forms of service. Some drew attention decades later when they were elected to high national office. These include Vice President Dan Quayle, who joined the Indiana National Guard, President George W. Bush, who was in the Texas Air National Guard, and President Bill Clinton, who signed up for a reserve officer program before receiving a high lottery draft number that assured he would not be drafted. It was understandable that a pathway to nonmilitary service through the Public Health Service would be viewed with some antipathy by military physicians. A former NIH associate and later president of the American Board of Internal Medicine, Harry Kimball, observed: “We were doing our service obligation in a way which also was maximally enhancing our own careers. Why wouldn’t they [military physicians] resent us?” Whether or not such resentment ran deep, Public Health Service trainees became known as “Yellow Berets.” It is unclear where this epithet originated, but supporters of the war in Vietnam applied it generally to anyone they felt was shirking a patriotic duty. In 1966, singer-songwriter Bob Seger composed the “Ballad of the Yellow Beret” with the following lyrics:
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Read More »Former associate Kimball participated in an anti-war protest outside the NIH administration building. “I suspect that if you look at it in that time ’67 and ’68, the bulk of investigators at the NIH would not have favored [President Lyndon B.] Johnson’s Vietnam policies,” he said. Donald Fredrickson, a former NIH director, said, “This was a group of people that had liberal politics in the main. There were very few conservatives in those days.” Many of the clinical associates had strong moral objections to the Vietnam War, above and beyond their political leanings. Leaders of the anti-war efforts at the NIH included Christian Anfinsen, who headed the Laboratory of Chemical Biology at what would become the National Institute of Arthritis, Diabetes, Digestive and Kidney Disease. Anfinsen, awarded the Nobel Prize in chemistry in 1972, was politically active in a number of causes. He participated in a 1964 vigil held on the NIH campus after Congress passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which authorized Johnson to send combat troops to Vietnam. Anfinsen believed in peaceful protests and referred to himself as a professional petitioner and letter-signer. A small group of activists at the NIH and its sister center at the Public Health Service, the National Institute for Mental Health, organized the Vietnam Moratorium Committee at NIH-NIMH. The moratorium committee included a cross-section of personnel, from senior scientists to trainees and support staff. The group met for the first time on Sept. 23, 1969, in Building 2, a laboratory research facility on the NIH campus. Its members wanted to invite Dr. Benjamin Spock, a nationally prominent pediatrician and leading critic of the Vietnam War, to speak at the NIH. The intended day for his talk was Oct. 15, the scheduled date for an anti-war protest called the National Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam. The National Moratorium evolved from an original target of 300 colleges into a much broader protest, with a focus on events in Washington. The NIH-NIMH Vietnam Moratorium Committee’s invitation to Spock was endorsed by the Interassembly of Scientists, the NIH’s elected council of staff scientists. Spock accepted the invitation the following day, and the Vietnam Moratorium Committee asked for permission to use the Clinical Center’s auditorium to host the event. On Sept. 29, NIH Director Robert Q. Marston denied the request, likely because he was directed to do so by his politically appointed bosses at the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. The American Civil Liberties Union represented the Vietnam Moratorium Committee in a legal challenge to Marston’s decision. The case was heard in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia on Oct. 10. The presiding judge, John Sirica, later earned national fame for his 1973 order that forced the White House to release President Richard Nixon’s secret tape recordings. In the Spock speech case, Sirica ruled against the moratorium committee, but on Oct. 14 a three-judge appeals panel overturned the decision. The following day, the 66-year-old Spock, looking grandfatherly with large, heavy framed eyeglasses, thinning wisps of white hair, a slightly rumpled dark suit and narrow tie, appeared on the NIH campus. Spock addressed a crowd of several thousand people who had assembled on the lawn in front of the administration building. There was great symbolism in the site chosen for Spock. It was Building 1, the first building constructed at NIH, in 1938. The pediatrician stood between two towering, white Ionic columns on the front portico of the red brick Georgian Revival-style building in exactly the same spot where, nearly three decades earlier, FDR had appeared. The president had come to Bethesda on Oct. 31, 1940, to dedicate the initial six buildings of the NIH. About four months earlier, France had fallen to the Germans and the United States was still five months away from coming to Britain’s aid through the lend-lease program. With war looming, Roosevelt searched for a silver lining: “All of us are grateful that we in the United States can still turn our thoughts and our attention to those institutions of our country which symbolize peace—institutions whose purpose is to save life and not to destroy it.” The president continued: “The National Institute of Health speaks the universal language of humanitarianism. . . . The total defense that we have heard so much about of late, which this nation seeks, involves a great deal more than building airplanes, ships, guns and bombs. We cannot be a strong nation unless we are a healthy nation. And so we must recruit not only men and materials but also knowledge and science in the service of national strength.” In contrast to Roosevelt’s soaring oratory, Spock’s noontime address on Oct. 15, 1969, was a hard-hitting censure of American involvement in Vietnam framed largely around the proposition “that the illegality and immorality of the war justifies dissent.” Spock added with a flourish: “The only way that we can save ourselves; the only way that we can get along in the world, in the long-run, is by being able to see the realities. And when we falsify the realities by calling ourselves the ‘good guys’ when actually we are the aggressor, we are starting a perilous course which could easily result in annihilation of ourselves and, in fact, the whole world.” Although Spock’s lecture was the focal point of the anti-war activities at NIH, it was by no means the only such protest. The Vietnam Moratorium Committee communicated its message through a periodic newsletter (Rainbow Signs, circulation 6,000) that featured on its masthead a quote from the Code of Ethics for Government Service: “Loyalty to the highest moral principles and to country above persons, party, or government department.”
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Read More »There were risks associated with moratorium committee membership. Citing the power of the government to intimidate protesters, one of the group’s founding members, David Reiss, a former clinical associate, later recalled: “I don’t think it’s fair to underestimate how frightening and how daunting and maybe just how discouraging it is to mount such an effort.” Those fears were anchored in the belief that careers were put at risk by speaking out against the war. The ACLU lawyer who worked with the moratorium committee, Zona Hostetler, remembered: “There were stories of employees actually being demoted because of their anti-war activities. Even in authorized meetings of government employees on their lunch hour, security people would come in and take pictures of the people who were attending and ask for membership lists of the organization.” Perhaps even more ominously, the FBI under Nixon conducted investigations, both public and secret, of anti-war protesters. For example, one moratorium committee member, Irene Elkins, recalled FBI agents interviewing her current and prior supervisors when she served as the co-coordinator. Political activism was not the primary or even secondary focus for most clinical associates at the NIH during the Vietnam era. They came to Bethesda for very specific reasons: to expand their knowledge of science and to learn enough about research methods to develop a career as an independent investigator. Without question, the war and the doctor draft played a critical role in physicians’ decisions to choose the NIH over the military, but the associates tended to view their choice more as a step in professional development than as a political statement. For most associates, the “Yellow Beret” epithet was tinged with a bit of sarcasm. Fauci, a member of the clinical associate class that entered in 1968, observed, “It was somewhat of a derogatory term. Yes, it was part joke, but very much derogatory.” Associates did not refer to themselves as Yellow Berets. Later, as emotions faded and many of the former associates went on to distinguished careers, the term became more a badge of honor. A flavor of that sensibility is reflected in a poem by Dr. Bernard Babior, who became an associate in 1965 and later headed the Division of Biochemistry at the Scripps Research Institute. While at NIH, Babior trained under noted biochemist Earl Stadtman and many years later offered the following poem in Stadtman’s honor:
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